World War Three Has Begun
Alexander Dugin declares World War Three the globalists’ war of all against all, masked by nationalism, driven by nuclear chaos, and answerable only by sacred Russian power.
The U.S. bombings of Iran’s nuclear facilities – specifically the uranium enrichment site at the Fordow complex – mark the beginning of World War Three. Nuclear weapons no longer deter anyone, and strikes on atomic infrastructure have, in effect, been legitimized – first by Israel, which faced no decisive international backlash, and now by the United States. So many red lines have been crossed that it is no longer clear whether any remain uncrossed.
This directly concerns Russia. The Nazi forces in Kiev have already repeatedly attempted to strike nuclear facilities on Russian territory, and attacks on strategic aviation airfields – strikingly similar to Israeli tactics used in Iran – leave no room for doubt: this is now seen as a fully acceptable method of warfare, against anyone. If direct nuclear strikes have not yet occurred, it is merely a matter of time. The atomic Pandora’s box has been opened. The metaphor often applied to nuclear weapons, borrowed from Anton Chekhov about a pistol on stage, has never felt more apt: “If in the first act you hang a pistol on the wall, then in the next it must be fired. Otherwise, don’t hang it there.” The pistol was hung on the wall in the first act: the Cold War. Now, the firing has begun. This is inevitable. Every weapon invented by humanity has eventually been used. Sergey Karaganov has long spoken of this, though many dismissed him as an alarmist or fearmonger. He was merely warning of the inevitable.
Yet to imagine the nuclear wars of the future, we must ask: under which ideological banners will they be fought? What kind of future are they intended to shape? For when one initiates a world war, there must be at least a rough idea of what comes afterward.
Let us look at the situation through the eyes of the globalists – those whom Trump and his supporters not long ago referred to as the “deep state,” and yet whose instrument they themselves now visibly have become. The ideology of globalism and its vision for the future proceed in two stages.
The first stage is to establish the total rule of a world government and abolish sovereign states – vestiges of the Westphalian system. To achieve this, the complete mixing of all peoples must be enforced, national borders eliminated, and all of humanity melted down into a single crucible. Furthermore, the principle of individualism must be pushed to the extreme: gender abolished and turned into a matter of personal choice – just as liberals once turned religion, class, and nationality into matters of individual choice. Those who resist this, who uphold sovereignty and traditional values, must be destroyed. This is how the collective West envisioned the future prior to Trump – already waging war against Russia in Ukraine, preparing for war with China, and destabilizing the Islamic world through color revolutions and, at times, outright invasions. At the same time, the globalists sought to undermine the Hindutva government in India.
Even the first stage implied the use of nuclear weapons, since obstacles to the global government must be eliminated at any cost – and humanity as such is expendable, especially when viewed in purely quantitative terms.
The second stage is even more radical: the conscious transcendence and even abolition of humanity in favor of strong artificial intelligence. This is called the Singularity and has become a common concept among globalist futurists. First, migrants replace the native population, transgender individuals replace the two natural sexes and traditional families, and finally, the migrants and transgenders themselves are replaced by AI and cyborgs. There are even more reasons in this stage to use nuclear weapons against those deemed hopelessly obsolete. Humanity is like an early push-button phone or a punch-card computer – destined for the garbage heap alongside nuclear waste.
This is the path things were on before Trump’s victory, when the collective West was steadily following that plan. Trump and his MAGA movement (Make America Great Again) won the U.S. elections precisely because they opposed such a vision of the future. This included anti-militarism, anti-interventionism, rejection of illegal immigration, and restrictions on LGBTQ. In this view, the future would unfold within a multipolar world (as U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio explicitly stated), and nuclear annihilation would be canceled or at least postponed. Conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East – ignited by the globalists – were to be wound down.
Trump only briefly adhered to his MAGA program. He accomplished some of it: if he did not ban LGBTQ outright, he significantly curtailed its influence; he began identifying and deporting illegal immigrants with force. He even shut down USAID – the globalist headquarters for exporting liberalism and color revolutions – and fired its entire staff. It seemed that the nuclear holocaust was delayed, and all attention turned inward to the North American continent – to Canada, still in globalist hands, and Greenland.
Yet, just as the world exhaled in relief and the MAGA electoral base brimmed with hope for an alternative future – free of war and nuclear winter – Israel launched a war against Iran, attacking its nuclear capabilities. Trump joined this war, ordering bombings of Fordow, Iran’s nuclear research station. And so, another sharp turn regarding the future occurred – effectively, the beginning of World War Three. Once Pandora’s box is opened, it cannot be closed. Trump opened it. So what is the image of this future, considering Trump’s own ideology, which, while diverging from liberal globalism, did not deviate as much as many had hoped?
Suppose we hypothesize that the same globalist “deep state” Trump tried to dismantle proved stronger than expected, then perhaps it simply decided to use Trump and his nationalist program for its own ends. While the Trumpists believed nationalism would mean focusing on domestic issues and defeating globalists, the deep state had other ideas. But what ideas?
The most logical assumption is this: the globalists’ plans for a smooth and voluntary transition to a world government began to stall and eventually hit a dead end. The rise of Russia and China, India’s movement towards civilizational sovereignty, and the awakening of the Islamic world, Africa, and Latin America – alongside the emergence and growth of BRICS – all stood in direct opposition to global unipolarity. A war by the liberal-globalist West against the global majority – even a nuclear war – might end unfavorably for the West.
Thus came the cunning decision: instead of opposing the conservative turn, the rise of nationalism and populism, and the strengthening of multipolarity, they would harness these forces for their own purposes. Establishing a world government was postponed and replaced with an interim project: the “clash of civilizations.” For this, the rise to power of the nationalist Trump was allowed. The symbol of this became the “Bellamy salute,” performed twice – first by Elon Musk, then by Steve Bannon and others at the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), attended by U.S. Vice President JD Vance. Now, nationalism became the face of America. This seemed to directly oppose globalist internationalism. But if one considers the long-term goal of igniting nuclear war, it was the fastest path to results.
Another ultra-nationalist regime – Netanyahu’s government in Israel – became a key agent in fueling this “clash of civilizations.” Israel’s wartime conduct towards Palestinians – the mass genocide of Gaza’s civilians – eerily mirrors regimes that once made Jews their victims during World War Two. Netanyahu embodies Israel’s version of the Bellamy salute. The strikes on Lebanon and now the provocation of war with Iran align perfectly with this role. Israel’s attacks on Iran’s nuclear infrastructure amount to the activation of a dirty bomb – that is, the beginning of a nuclear conflict. Trump has now joined in.
Yet that is not all. Ukraine, in its current state, is another tool of the globalists. There, neo-Nazism flourishes in overt form; the rehabilitation of Nazi criminals and persecution based on language and religion have become daily practice. And again, the nuclear factor: constant shelling of the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant, attempts to strike the Kursk NPP, and finally, attacks on Russia’s nuclear triad. This is all undoubtedly not just approved by the globalists, but executed under their direct control and orders.
Is the skirmish between two nuclear powers – India and Pakistan – not part of the same pattern? Incidentally, those who provoked it remain unidentified. All that remains is to drag China and North Korea into the fray and wait for Russia to lose its patience and enter the nuclear escalation.
The main conclusion: it is entirely plausible that the globalists have chosen to frame the nuclear conflict they have long sought in a different manner. Rather than a confrontation between the collective West and multipolar humanity (a war they could lose), they now seek a war of all against all, even using their enemies – such as Trump – to serve their ends. In this vision, world government will be established not now, but after the nuclear war – when much of humanity has perished, the survivors beg for any form of peace, and robots and AI assume leadership, as modern warfare increasingly depends on them. Thus, the Singularity will arrive not peacefully but through a wave of total violence.
This is where the significance of the Bellamy salute becomes clear. Neither socialism nor liberalism inspires anyone anymore. These are ideological phantom pains from a past that is irretrievably gone. They have become kitsch and rotten grotesques. Once, they stirred enthusiasm; now, they only evoke disgust. Today, the energy lies with populism and, at times, nationalism – the conservative revolution.
Previously, liberals crushed any hint of patriotism and ridiculed conservatives. Now, they have changed tactics. They first practiced on Ukrainian neo-Nazism and, one must admit, with impressive results: a fractured country with a bewildered population and oligarchic infighting was transformed into a cohesive war machine, driven by hatred and rage. A society in such a state – embracing the Bellamy salute and torchlit marches – is capable of killing everything around it, even itself. Hence the dirty bombs, fierce resistance to the Russian army, and unending terrorist attacks.
Seeing its effectiveness, the globalists likely decided not to kill Trump prematurely. Now, they are using him for the same goals – they have, in fact, already unleashed World War Three. Unlike exhausted communism and liberalism, nationalism has retained much of its energy. And the louder everyone repeats “never again,” the closer we draw to the “return of the barbarians” – from MAGA to radical Islam, from the Kiev regime to ultra-right Zionism with Yitzhak Shapira’s The King’s Torah, from India’s Hindutva to the Brown Berets of the Latino uprising in California and Texas, from BLM and Critical Race Theory to the new Euro-militarism of Merz, Macron, and Starmer. Everyone knows who Giorgia Meloni is – she, too, is a Bellamy salute. What the globalists call our country in the West need not be repeated. You can guess.
Thus, the globalists have changed their strategy – not to resist the rise of nationalism and multipolarity, but to embrace them, provided it leads to a war of all against all – preferably nuclear or escalating into it. Then, according to their plan, a world government will be established, the Singularity will occur, and the Christian tradition’s “kingdom of the Antichrist” will arrive. That this nuclear conflict is now igniting in the Holy Land – and that it was triggered by Israeli politicians who believe they are paving the way for the coming of the Moshiach, with Shiites answering with hope in the appearance of the Hidden Imam, the Mahdi, who is destined to defeat the Dajjal – this cannot be coincidence.
What should Russia do in such a situation? The worst mistake would be to continue role-playing like Leopold the Cat[1] – grasping at the remains of peaceful socialism and the naive, old liberal worldview, clinging to the UN and the friendship of peoples. In the midst of what is, in essence, already World War Three, such complacency would not merely be an error – it would be criminal. It is time to look the truth in the eye.
What do we have to counter the Bellamy salute, when those who greet each other with it do not understand the language of humanity or the appeals of moral conscience? Ask, if you must, the children of Gaza who have passed through the meat grinder.
Once, we opposed Nazi Germany with a strict totalitarian ideology – disciplined, aggressive, demanding total self-sacrifice in the name of class and country. That ideology eventually burned out. There is no return to it. Now, we face a world where, once again, only one thing decides everything: the factor of brute force, the will to carry out supremely immoral and even suicidal acts, the accelerating tempo of decisions and actions, and the infinite, phenomenally brazen total lie that calmly casts the victim as executioner and the executioner as victim.
And here stands Russia – like Leopold the Cat, with a cartoonish, peace-loving mindset, ready to spare its enemy and make deals with those who engineered all this against us. Without an ideology, relying only on good intentions, friendliness, and a sovereign plea: “Please leave us alone.” And the answer: No. And nuclear weapons will save no one from anything. In fact, it seems those who orchestrated all this have already decided that the war now underway will be nuclear.
Therefore, what we need above all is an ideology. A new one. Alive. Energetically charged, sharp, fresh, mobilizing – one that detonates the reserves of human inner strength. An ideology of holy and boundless Russian power.
[1]Translator’s note: Leopold the Cat is a Soviet cartoon character known for his calm, kind nature and famous catchphrase “Let”s live in peace,” symbolizing non-violence and moral strength in the face of mischief.
The World of Islam and Orthodox Christianity has to unite and fight if we are to defeat before western civilization's immorality take overs the world.
This text, deeply embedded in conspiratorial geopolitics and apocalyptic determinism, is an incendiary political-theological treatise drawing from Alexander Dugin’s neo-Eurasianist philosophy (Dugin, 2012), end-times eschatology, and hyper-nationalist, anti-liberal narratives. It weaves current events real, exaggerated, or invented into a larger eschatological drama of civilizational warfare and cosmic destiny, framed within a quasi-religious vision of Russia’s salvific mission. It should be read not as sober analysis but as a form of political Gnosticism, enacting what Eric Voegelin described as the “immanentization of the eschaton” (Voegelin, 1968).
The essay opens with a melodramatic framing device: the U.S. bombing of Iran’s Fordow facility is cast not as a regional escalation, but as the trigger of World War Three. The invocation of Chekhov’s dramatic principle that a pistol hung on the wall in Act I must be fired in Act III becomes a metaphysical claim: the mere existence of nuclear weapons necessitates their eventual use. This is a classic instance of teleological determinism, foreclosing contingency, restraint, or diplomacy. It mirrors Carl Schmitt’s notion that sovereignty lies in the power to decide on the exception (Schmitt, 2005) here, the nuclear exception has already been declared inevitable. By reconfiguring the Cold War’s balance of terror into a theological necessity for nuclear apocalypse, the text mimics a political-theological dramaturgy that dissolves complexity into fated eschaton.
At the center of this vision is a stark binary between “globalists” a deliberately nebulous term conflating liberal elites, technocratic futurists, LGBTQ advocates, international finance, and AI theorists and the defenders of traditional sovereignty and multipolar order. The globalists are depicted as engaged in an ontological war against humanity itself, seeking the elimination of national borders, gender, identity, and finally human beings, in order to replace them with artificial intelligence and post-human governance. This vision is directly inherited from Alexander Dugin’s warnings about liberalism as an ontological dissolution of Being itself (Dugin, 2012). Yet it also echoes Hannah Arendt’s account of totalitarianism’s drive toward a world “in which everything becomes possible” (Arendt, 1973). However, the author moves from critique to cosmic conspiracy: the globalist elite is simultaneously orchestrating MAGA, neo-Nazism in Ukraine, Zionist militarism, radical Islam, Hindutva nationalism, and AI research into a single program of post-human planetary control. This level of coordination and intentionality is implausible; it reflects what Richard Hofstadter called the “paranoid style” in political thought, wherein disparate forces are imagined as puppets of a single omnipotent hand (Hofstadter, 1965).
One of the essay’s most ideologically consequential reversals lies in its claim that globalists are no longer resisting nationalism, but harnessing it for their own apocalyptic ends. In this retelling, Trump, Netanyahu, Hindutva forces in India, and Ukrainian ultranationalists are not true resistors of globalism, but are either co-opted or naïvely serving globalist designs. This is an ingenious but unstable dialectic: nationalism becomes both the instrument of resistance and of domination, both a threat to the globalist order and a tool of its advancement. The ideological sleight of hand here is to preserve one pure form of nationalism Russian nationalism as the only remaining source of authentic metaphysical resistance. All other forms are either debased, corrupted, or compromised. This is in keeping with the messianic tendencies of Eurasianist thought, which casts Russia as the katechon the eschatological force restraining the coming of the Antichrist (Shlapentokh, 2007). Within such a vision, the world is not composed of competing political systems or ideologies, but of cosmic archetypes locked in eschatological combat.
The essay’s use of moral inversion and symbolic reversal is particularly extreme. Israel is cast as the new Nazi regime, while Palestinians are reconfigured as their victims. Ukrainian nationalism is collapsed into neo-Nazism, itself framed as a tool of the globalists. The nuclear arsenal, once imagined as a deterrent, is now transformed into an inevitable weapon of planetary cleansing. Even Trump, who once stood for a multipolar order and anti-interventionism, is said to have “unleashed World War Three.” These rhetorical strategies serve not analytical but mythic purposes, in which guilt, violence, and resistance are redistributed along metaphysical, not political lines. Slavoj Žižek has argued that such symbolic inversions are typical of ideological fantasy, where the victim is cast as the aggressor and the aggressor as the savior (Žižek, 2008). This rhetorical strategy inoculates the author from critique: any contradiction becomes proof of deeper conspiracy, any act of war an act of defensive eschatology.
The concluding appeal to embrace a new, totalizing Russian ideology serves as both a call to arms and a theological imperative. The author explicitly rejects both the liberal humanitarianism of the post-Soviet Russian state and the class-based totalitarianism of Soviet Marxism. What is proposed instead is a fresh ideology sacred, aggressive, uncompromising. This recalls Dugin’s advocacy for a “Fourth Political Theory,” one that fuses elements of Tradition, mysticism, and radical political mobilization (Dugin, 2012). But what the author is ultimately proposing is not theory but myth: the activation of an ideological will that fuses military force, sacrificial destiny, and redemptive sovereignty. Umberto Eco’s warning about “ur-fascism” is apt here he described it as an ideology without coherent doctrine, defined instead by emotional commitment to struggle, victimhood, and sacred violence (Eco, 1995).
The essay is riddled with factual distortions, illogic, and rhetorical manipulation. It conflates conventional military strikes with nuclear escalation; it fabricates a seamless continuity between disparate nationalist movements across geographies and ideologies; it assumes a world-historical coherence in events that are plainly contradictory. Furthermore, its elevation of apocalypse as the necessary horizon of politics eliminates the possibility of diplomacy, peace, or ideological hybridity. It demands total war in the name of metaphysical purity. This is not analysis, but political Gnosticism. It presents evil as a global code, war as an ontological necessity, and ideology as salvific flame.
This text is not merely dangerous for what it proposes, but for the form it takes: it replaces reality with myth, analysis with eschatology, history with fate. It should be read alongside the warnings of Arendt, Schmitt, Eco, Hofstadter, and Snyder, who all in different ways identified the signs of a totalitarian imaginary masquerading as political clarity. What we are witnessing in this document is not prophecy, but performance the resurrection of an old fascist script dressed in the language of AI, transhumanism, and multipolarity. Its call is not for sovereignty, but for sacred violence. It is the paranoid sublime made legible.
References
• Arendt, Hannah. The Origins of Totalitarianism. Harcourt, 1973.
• Dugin, Alexander. The Fourth Political Theory. Arktos, 2012.
• Eco, Umberto. “Ur-Fascism.” The New York Review of Books, 1995.
• Hofstadter, Richard. The Paranoid Style in American Politics. Vintage, 1965.
• Schmitt, Carl. Political Theology: Four Chapters on the Concept of Sovereignty. University of Chicago Press, 2005.
• Shlapentokh, Dmitry. Eurasia: Between Illusion and Reality. Brill, 2007.
• Voegelin, Eric. Science, Politics and Gnosticism. Regnery Gateway, 1968.
• Žižek, Slavoj. Violence: Six Sideways Reflections. Picador, 2008.
• Snyder, Timothy. The Road to Unfreedom: Russia, Europe, America. Tim Duggan Books, 2018.