Biden could drag us to WWIII. But will Trump be any different?
While Democrats are increasingly focused on the preservation of US global dominance, even if it risks war with Russia and China, Trump favours multipolarity
The forthcoming US presidential elections on 5 November are of immense significance because the outcome will impact not only the United States and the West but also the entire fate of humanity. That is because there is a looming threat of a nuclear conflict and the potential for a third World War pitting Russia against NATO.
The next White House resident will determine whether humanity survives, so it is imperative to examine the primary candidates in this election thoroughly and understand their platforms and positions.
In recent months and years, Joe Biden has exhibited signs of impaired focus that may relate to age or underlying medical conditions, yet this seems inconsequential given that he is just a figurehead for the entrenched political elites of the US Democratic Party. Biden need not even be alive to govern. One thinks of those corpses ceremonially exhumed during annual rituals during Sulawesi Island’s Ma’nene Festival and in Malagasy ethnic traditions in Madagascar.
Globalisation advocates
Pulse or not, his administration would continue, for behind Biden stands a unified cohort of globalists—aka a ‘world government’ or ‘ruling strata’—comprising key figures from America’s ‘deep state’ and the liberal elites of Europe and beyond.
Biden subscribes to a globalist ideology aimed at unifying humanity under the governance of liberal technocratic elites, abolition of sovereign nation-states, and integration among diverse peoples and religions—a modern Tower of Babel. Many Christians see this as a precursor to the coming of the Antichrist.
Indeed, some of it is closer to science fiction. Advocates of globalisation—like Yuval Harari, Klaus Schwab, Raymond Kurzweil, and Maurice Strong—openly discuss the necessity of advancing Artificial Intelligence (AI) and neural implants capable of eliminating or rejuvenating brain cells.
Meanwhile, the West is witnessing the abolition of gender and race. Biden holds little sway in executing this agenda. He serves as a symbolic representative of globalism. Biden’s Democratic Party is home to diverse views and positions, yet even figures on the Democratic left (like Bernie Sanders or Robert Kennedy) who do not fully endorse globalisation have united in support of him.
Furthermore, Biden’s own limitations are of no concern, because real authority lies with others. Yet this is not the key point. For behind Biden lies an ideology that has gained significant traction around the world.
Liberal vs conservative
Most global elites hold liberal views to varying degrees. Worldwide, liberalism has permeated education, science, culture, information, the economy, business, politics, and even technology. Biden serves as a focal point, where the threads converge.
The US Democratic Party embodies the political manifestation of liberalism. Democrats are increasingly focused less on the interests of Americans and more on the preservation of global dominance, even if it risks war with Russia and China, jeopardising the US itself.
American neoconservatives also align with the global agenda supported by Biden’s backers. They include former Trotskyists who harbour animosity towards Russia and envision a global revolution following the complete triumph of Western capitalism. The neocons are hawkish advocates of a unipolar world and provide unwavering support to Israel despite the genocide in Gaza.
While some say they are Democrats, most are Republicans. They serve as the opposing pole to Donald Trump. In a way, this is the fifth column: Democrats and Biden’s faction within the Republican Party.
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America's 'deep state' acts as a guardian of an overall objective.
America's deep state
Last but not least, there is the 'deep state': non-partisan elites, including government officials, senior bureaucrats, and military and intelligence chiefs. They serve as the custodians of the American state. Since the presidency of Woodrow Wilson (1913-21), two approaches have represented the traditional policies of the Democrats and Republicans. The Democrats prioritise global dominance and the global spread of liberalism, while Republicans prioritise the strengthening of the US as a superpower.
These are not conflicting agendas. Rather, they aim to achieve the same goal, just with nuanced differences. The American deep state acts as guardian of this one overall objective, allowing the occasional tilt in balance between the two paths.
During George W. Bush's presidency, neocons dominated the Republican Party, and globalisation merged closely with Atlanticist leanings and right-wing hegemony, all in agreement on a unipolar global structure. Given the unipolar nature of globalisation, there was little difference between the foreign policies of globalist Democrats like Bill Clinton and Barack Obama and Republican neocons like George W. Today, the deep state continues to endorse this overarching direction. Biden's administration closely reflects the interests and values of America's top tier.
Biden's priorities
Biden's support comes from big finance, global media, and corporate monopolies. Any mental and/or physical frailties owing to age mean that those who back him will use fair means or foul to keep him in power. In a recent campaign speech, Biden appeared to prioritise freedom over democracy. This was no slip. It is a globalist strategy. If maintaining power democratically becomes unfeasible, undemocratic actions are rationalised under the guise of "freedom".
This, in essence, describes a dictatorship, not a national one but an international, globalised version. Conflict with Russia may serve as a legal pretext. Biden might emulate Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky by cancelling elections. Macron in France or Scholz in Germany may do likewise.
Advocates of globalisation in the West are contemplating scenarios to directly impose dictatorship and undermine democracy. For humanity, a Biden victory would be a catastrophe. Globalists' project, the 'new Babylon', will continue. Existing conflicts may escalate, new conflicts may ignite. Biden epitomises war without end or limits.
AFP. US President Joe Biden while participating in the first election debate with Republican candidate Donald Trump in Atlanta on June 27, 2024.
Trump and Trumpism
Behind Donald Trump, entirely different forces are at play. He represents an alternative to Biden and globalisation, diverging significantly from the policies of both Democratic and Republican forerunners. Trump's first presidential term was marked by continuous scandal. The American establishment vehemently opposed him until he was replaced by Biden. Unlike Biden, Trump is charismatic, innovative, and strong-willed.
Despite his age, he is in good health, enthusiastic, active, and energetic. While Biden works as part of a team, Trump is a solitary figure who embodies the American dream through his personal success. Known for narcissism and self-centeredness, he is also a highly skilled and accomplished politician.
Ideologically, Trump aligns with classic or old-school American conservatives (not the neoconservatives). They uphold the traditional isolationist approach historically embraced by Republicans, encapsulated by Trump's slogan: America First. Notable advocates of this ideology are philosopher-politician Patrick Buchanan and former Trump adviser Steve Bannon, a Tea Party activist.
Often committed Christians, they defend traditional values and customs centred around the family. Their foreign policy prioritises US sovereignty. Trump's 'Make America Great Again' slogan exemplifies this. They dislike and distrust foreign US intervention unless US security and interests are under a clear threat.
Trump aligns with old-school conservatives with isolationist views encapsulated by the 'America First' slogan.
Messaging cuts through
Ideologically, Trump and Biden contrast starkly. Trump derides his globalist collective opponents as 'the Swamp'. His own ideology is now called 'Trumpism'. It garners significant support from a large segment of Americans, particularly in the 'flyover zone' states between the US east and west coasts, where many hold dear to conservative and traditional values.
The US culture is individualistic, fostering indifference towards the opinions of others, including those in power. This often leads to scepticism of the federal government, which many Americans think should not have the power to restrict freedoms. Trump's direct appeal to these ordinary Americans—while disregarding political, financial, and media elites—was instrumental in his election as president in 2016.
In the Republican Party of 2024, there are traditionalist conservatives and new conservatives, leading to division. The new conservatives align more closely with Biden and the globalists and Trumpism clashes with their fundamental principles. What unites them is the promotion of American greatness and the goal of enhancing its strength in strategic, military, and economic domains.
Republicans' two faces
Over decades, the former Trotskyists have established influential intellectual institutions (such as think tanks and research centres) and infiltrated established institutions through their agents. In contrast, traditionalist conservatives do not have an array of 'intellectual factories' to steer contemporary discourse.
In the 1990s, Buchanan lamented that the new conservatives were steering the Republican Party and marginalising its traditional politicians. This tension persists under Trump. In his first term, Trump felt compelled to appoint neoconservatives, such as the zealous and aggressive John Bolton (chosen to be National Security Adviser). Bolton undermined Trump's policies whenever possible, then turned on Trump personally.
Trump appeared in court in Miami for an arraignment regarding 37 federal charges, including violations of the Espionage Act, making false statements, and mishandling of classified material after leaving office.
Elections hold great significance for Republicans. Politicians, including Members of Congress, Senators, and state Governors, recognise Trump's popularity among voters and feel compelled to support him for pragmatic reasons. This underscores his influence in the Republican party. He represents a path to power not only for traditional conservatives but also for pragmatists seeking to win. The new conservatives within the Party will continue to wield influence, but Trump is unlikely to risk severing ties with them.
Dealing with Trump
The aforementioned 'deep state' remains cold on Trump. In their eyes, he is arrogant and has fringe views alongside more popular and traditional ideas. His problems with institutions like the Central Intelligence Agency were well documented, yet while the deep state does not support Trump, it cannot disregard his popularity.
Trump could build an institutional support base if he chose to, but his temperament is not conducive to that. He is spontaneous and impulsive, relying on his own strengths. This resonates with voters who see him as a culturally familiar American archetype. If Trump wins in November, as most polls expect him to, the relationship between the White House and the deep state will certainly change. Efforts will be made to establish systematic relationships with him.
It is likely that Biden's supporters will seek to prevent a Trump win at any cost. They may assassinate, imprison, riot, initiate civil unrest, launch a coup d'état, or escalate overseas military conflicts to trigger a wider war, possibly a World War. Since supporters of globalisation have significant support from the deep state, anything is possible. If Trump wins, however, then it will have a profound impact on global politics. Countries around the world will suddenly have to recalibrate.
Trump's rejection of unipolarity would find support from proponents of multipolarity like Russia and China.
The multipolar era
Trump's rejection of the unipolar world order and the globalisation project would find support from proponents of multipolarity like Russia and China, not to mention within the United States. Many there want to see the back of the global liberal elite. With Trump as catalyst, any new multipolar world would see the United States continue to play a significant role, just not a dominant one. 'Make America Great Again' would still apply, but differently.
Meanwhile, the conflicts perpetuated by globalists would not simply end. Trump's demand that Russia end the war in Ukraine would be practical but exceedingly challenging in practice. Trump's support for Israel, both in Gaza and beyond, is expected to be as strong as Biden's. Trump sees Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as a right-wing political ally. Likewise, Trump's approach towards China is likely to be stringent, particularly with regard to Chinese companies operating in the US.
Pragmatism vs dogmatism
The primary distinction between Trump and Biden lies in Trump's prioritisation of rational American national interests (known as realism). It is a practical approach based on an assessment of relations based on another country's power and resources. In contrast, Biden's is dogmatic and uncompromising: those who do not bow to the god of US-led globalism face sanctions and possibly direct intervention, reflecting the liberal approach to international relations.
For Trump, a nuclear storm that ends humanity is not an acceptable price to pay under any circumstance. For Biden and the rules of the 'new Babylon,' everything is on the table. What they would be prepared to do remains unknown. While Trump is a seasoned and audacious player, his decisions are guided by rationality and cost-benefit analysis. Convincing him can be challenging, but negotiating with him remains feasible. Not so for Biden and his backers, who are irrational actors.
The US elections in November 2024 will ultimately determine whether humanity has a chance of survival. A Trump victory means it does.
***This article has been coordinated by Ramia Yahia***
Source: https://en.majalla.com/
A very accurate summation, and free of the dramatic polemics one becomes used to in discussion of American politics.
The stability of the overall American system is well noted. It is worth observing that this stability is rather fragile at the current time. The historic ability of the American population to coalesce behind the interests of the nation in time of catastrophe is now far less readily summoned, thanks to the extreme polarization.
The United States is akin to a heavy-footed drunk, shambling towards bad outcome, and the inevitable crash will not be pretty. The polarization driving this will have to work itself out.
If Trump is assassinated, that polarization is likely to head directly towards non-international armed conflict. It is incumbent on Americans to decide what manner of State they will have; and fulfill their individual duty to deliver it.
Under four years of Trump, no new wars were started and troops came home.
There's no guarantee he'll do that again, that's the best anti-war record for a US president in 100 years.